The origins of the Holiness-Pentecostal movement are found in the work and teaching of John Wesley. Worship within the movement varies widely, but it seems to thrive in contexts that encourage spontaneity and freedom. Traditional Pentecostal worship is currently undergoing significant change because of the growing popularity of contemporary worship choruses.
Throughout their history, the Holiness and Pentecostal movements have been characterized by an extemporaneous vernacular style that assigns a large role to music in the expression of corporate and individual worship.
The American holiness movement traces its origins to John Wesley and his associate, John Fletcher, whose persuasion that a conversion experience should always be followed by a dynamic encounter with sanctifying grace stands at its core. In the course of the nineteenth century, some American Methodists derived from that premise the teaching that an instantaneous second definite work of grace should be part of every Christian’s religious experience. They—and people from many other denominations who embraced the general teaching that practical holiness was part of the essence of Christianity—gathered in camp meetings and brush arbors around the country for simple teaching, enthusiastic singing, and agonizing prayer. Gradually, the most radical among them severed relationships to historic denominations. Over several decades, they generated a new cluster of Holiness denominations such as the Church of the Nazarene, the Free Methodist Church, and the Wesleyan church.
Methodists were well-known for pursuing intense religious experiences and for “raising the shout” when they “broke through” and experienced grace. They sang the majestic hymns Charles Wesley had bequeathed them, the pietist hymns John Wesley translated from German, and the simple songs of exhortation and testimony that were spawned by revivals and camp meetings. Because they dealt in verities that touched the deepest human emotions, they regarded tears, groans, vocal praise, and audible individual prayer as appropriate, even necessary, in corporate and individual worship. They made room in their services for personal testimonies, partly because testifying to an experience seemed to them to be part of “owning” or appropriating that experience for themselves.
Holiness emphases on grace and cleansing generated a holiness idiom that found expression in devotional literature and gospel songs. The new style used Old Testament stories of Israel’s crossing the Jordan into Canaan as analogs for the “second definite work of grace” and the “baptism with the Holy Spirit.” Like early Methodism, it also emphasized the blood of Jesus. It popularized the holiness experience as both an end and a beginning: it ended the first phase of the Christian life and introduced believers into a new dimension of Christian living. It made them “happy” and “free” and gave them assurance of cleansing from sin. A significant number of the gospel songs that were incorporated into the hymnals of twentieth-century evangelicals expressed the sentiments of these women and men whose deep religious experiences seemed natural to find musical expression. Elisha Hoffman, Annie Johnson Oatman, Mrs. C. H. Morris, Fanny Crosby, Charles Price Jones, A. B. Simpson, and Phoebe Palmer Knapp are just a few of those whose names are found in many Protestant hymnals. Their songs, read through a Holiness lens, reveal much of the movement’s message and power.
One wing of the Holiness movement, the Salvation Army, was often denounced for setting religious words to popular secular tunes. The Salvation Army also popularized the use of band instruments in outdoor evangelism and worship services. Parading through city streets in military-style uniforms, and playing popular melodies, they regularly drew crowds that responded to their vernacular style.
Holiness people gathered in all kinds of settings, some formal and many informal: camp meetings, brush arbors, tabernacles, missions, homes, churches. They welcomed participation by everyone in attendance, often providing opportunities for both corporate and individual involvement, as well as structured and spontaneous participation. Fringe groups gained notoriety when they opted for either extreme legalism (such as reinstituting the Old Testament law and feasts) or boisterous behavior (contortions while fighting demons, or falling, shouting, and jumping during services). The movement’s mainstream, both African-American and white, however, made a rich contribution to American religion, not least through the thousands of songs written to express the admittedly inexpressible bliss of the sanctified soul.
While singing, testimony, shouts of praise, and demonstrative prayers frequently marked Holiness worship, controversy raged in some circles over the use of musical instruments in church worship. In the 1890s, for example, Free Methodists argued heatedly about organ accompaniment. The debate seriously jeopardized the denomination’s future.
When Pentecostalism, after 1901, emerged as an identifiable religious movement, it appropriated much of the idiom of the Holiness movement, reinterpreting some of it to nuance its understanding of the baptism with the Holy Spirit. Many of the songs Pentecostals have sung over the years to describe their experience were written before Pentecostalism began, by Holiness people intent on describing sanctifying grace. The two movements shared religious language about life in the Spirit that had very different theological connotations in each context.
From the beginning worship style and musical tastes in Pentecostalism varied widely. Like the Holiness movement, Pentecostalism thrived in contexts that encouraged spontaneity and individual expression. What was perceived as corporate worship might alternatively be described as simultaneous individual worship. Pentecostals perhaps met together as much to pursue individual experiences as to express corporate solidarity as the people of God. Their corporate unity tended, then, to be more apparent than real, except during sporadic opposition. Referring to one another as “brother” and “sister” on the surface seemed to cultivate a sense of family unity, but that was not generally reflected in worship style. That family language has long since disappeared in many quarters, as has opposition, and individualism thrives.
Pentecostals sang the gospel songs of their day, some of the better-known hymns of the church, new songs were written by adherents, and choruses billed as “given” by the Holy Spirit. In many places, they kept singing songs they had sung before, adding some to express new dimensions of religious experience. Southern gospel music has always been popular. Vocal and instrumental ensembles and musically talented evangelists were part of the movement from its inception. Singing was incorporated throughout the worship service. Through songs, people expressed emotions, declared doctrines, glorified God, exhorted one another, entreated sinners, responded to testimonies, invoked miracles, and yearned for God’s tangible presence. Early Pentecostals were probably right in the observation that singing was an essential part of what adherents understood Pentecostalism to be.
An additional dimension in Pentecostal worship is known as “singing in the Spirit.” Variously described, this involves one, several or all the gathered worshipers in singing simultaneously and harmoniously in either tongues or the vernacular. In its most elementary form, this happens as a congregation moves from singing a worship song into sung expressions of individual praise. Singing in the same key and moving among several basic chords, individuals express their feelings in words meaningful to them. The music may seem to flow from one individual to another, the voice of one occasioning another’s participation until many are involved. Another form is believed by participants to involve the orchestration by the Holy Spirit of the worship of several or all of the worshipers. Sometimes individuals who are understood by those around them to be “in the Spirit” may sing solos that hearers describe as beautiful songs. This resembles the “singing exercise” described in Barton Stone’s well-known account of the Cane Ridge camp meeting.
Pentecostalism’s ethnic diversity was also reflected in its worship traditions, which have always ranged from Quaker-like waiting for the Spirit to camp-meeting style to dignified formality. German and Scandinavian Pentecostals have preserved some of the hymnody of the Reformation and Pietism; Hispanic Pentecostals have used their culture’s musical idiom; black Pentecostals have contributed significantly to the music of the movement as a whole, especially through the songs of people like Thoro Harris, G. T. Haywood, and more recently, Andrae Crouch.
Aimee Semple McPherson, one of the most prolific Pentecostal musicians, used innovative worship techniques that extensively influenced American Pentecostalism. Reared in the Salvation Army but converted to Pentecostalism by an evangelist she later married, McPherson blended the Holiness and Pentecostal traditions with such creativity that in the 1920s, she was widely hailed as Los Angeles’ premier star. Her dramatic entry down a ramp and into her pulpit at her 5,000-seat Angelus Temple was always preceded by thirty minutes of singing led by award-winning choirs and accompanied by an excellent orchestra seated in a hydraulic orchestra pit. She composed songs for her people, operas for their holiday entertainment, and graphic sermons to convey her message. She represented a style that gained increasing favor among Pentecostals, a style that featured one or more performing stars. She altered the nature of individual participation, which she professed to value but at the same time insisted on controlling. In many ways, her style was the trend of the future.
In recent years, both the Holiness and Pentecostal movements have significantly modified the form and content of their worship. These innovations have moved through several generations of hymnals and have replaced many of the songs that once provided each with its distinctive idiom. Some denominations in these families have become increasingly like other evangelicals in both their music and their worship style. On the other hand, the charismatic renewal has generated a fresh musical style that has greatly influenced Pentecostalism and, to a lesser extent, virtually every form of Christianity. Rejecting much traditional hymnody and the gospel songs of an earlier era as outdated, charismatics opted for simple choruses. They set Scripture to music or composed worship choruses that enabled people to express their feelings, their experiences, and their praise. In many Pentecostal congregations, overhead transparencies have virtually replaced hymnals which are used selectively, if at all. Almost overnight, and with no struggle, Pentecostal churches have abandoned the musical vocabulary through which they had once understood and expressed the meaning of their religious experience. Having gained a vast repertoire of praise choruses, they have lost the stirring exhortations to mission and evangelism, the declarations of doctrine, and admonitions about the second coming and the hope of heaven that had once prodded them along the “upward way.”
Praise choruses, then, both symbolized and facilitated a change in Pentecostal worship style. By the 1960s, singing generally occurred only at stated times in the service, not whenever a worshiper felt inclined to introduce a song. Large Pentecostal churches had begun hiring professional musicians who not only worked with choirs and orchestras but who also led congregational singing. The introduction of these “music pastors” significantly impacted congregational worship style in a manner that requires further study and analysis. With the acceptance of praise choruses came a turn toward other charismatic practices like standing for long periods at the beginning of services, lifting up hands, and repeating the same choruses. Choreographed dancing, favored by some charismatics, also gained acceptance in many Pentecostal congregations.
The Holiness and Pentecostal traditions historically have been hospitable to the expression of individual spiritual longings. They have been sufficiently adaptable to mirror the desires and needs of common people in different times and places. By encouraging private and public expression of profound human emotions, they have become traditions through which people enact privately and corporately the passion of personal responses to the gospel. Richly textured, relying on a familiar idiom that relates divine grace to everyday experience, and open to infinite variety, these traditions have offered ways through which people can affirm God’s presence and power in their lives.