Historical and Theological Perspectives on Musical Instruments in Worship

The use of instruments in worship has engendered great controversy throughout the history of the church. The following article describes the most important issues at stake in these controversies, highlighting important principles that can guide our use of instruments in worship today.

The Psalms contain numerous statements urging God’s people to praise him with instruments. The classic passage of this sort is the catalogue of instruments contained in Psalm 150.

Praise him with trumpet sound;
Praise him with lute and harp!
Praise him with timbrel and dance;
Praise him with strings and pipe!
Praise him with sounding cymbals;
Praise him with loud clashing cymbals!

A person knowing this and similar passages from the Psalms but not knowing anything of the history of the church would not be surprised by what he or she observed at most worship services in Western churches today. Whether Catholic or Protestant, just about any service this visitor wandered into would include the use of musical instruments. At a minimum, he or she would hear an organ or a piano or a guitar accompanying singing. But it would not be unusual to encounter churches where large ensembles not only accompany singing but also play alone before or after or during any number of other liturgical acts. Knowing the Psalms but not church history, this visitor would likely assume that the congregation being observed was simply following a mandate given in its sacred book, doing a normal Christian act of worship.

But, of course, there is a long history between the Psalms and the church today, and through most of that history, the church has been very reticent about using instruments in worship. From the New Testament through the patristic era, the Middle Ages, and the Renaissance, the use of instruments in Christian worship was highly exceptional. And even after instruments found their way into worship on a more regular basis after 1600, there continued to be questions about their proper use, and always there continued to be a few voices calling for their exclusion. Even today, despite the increasingly warm welcome instruments, have received in many churches, there are still a few bodies of Christians who worship without them and others that do not go much beyond instrumental introductions to and accompaniments of congregational singing. Donald Hustad summarizes the situation as follows:

Eastern Orthodox worship for the most part continues to use only vocal music. In the Western church as well, the use of instruments has been opposed from time to time, both before and since the 16th century Reformation. Until recently, a fairly large number of evangelical groups in America (e.g., the Free Methodist Church, primitive Baptists, old Mennonites, and certain Presbyterian bodies) perpetuated the “no instrument” practice, but the antagonism is waning. At the present time, the prohibition is most conspicuously continued and defended by certain Churches of Christ, whose leaders argue that they must adhere strictly to what the New Testament authorizes. (Jubilate! Church Music in the Evangelical Tradition [Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing, 1981, 42])

Obviously, the matter is not a simple one of literally following the injunctions of the Psalms. Just as obviously, there is no universal agreement among Christians as to how, or even whether, musical instruments are appropriate in worship.

The history of the church’s various and varying attitudes towards musical instruments in worship is long and complex. But the big picture is clear. Our current situation in which there is a widespread and often unquestioning acceptance of instruments in worship is “a minority position in the church’s whole history” (Paul Westermeyer, “Instruments in Christian Worship,” Reformed Liturgy and Music 25:3 [Summer 1991]: 111). The majority position over the whole history of the church can be summed up in the words of Rev. Joseph Gelineau: “vocal praise is essential to Christian worship. Instruments are only accessory” (Joseph Gelineau, Voices and Instruments in Christian Worship: Principles, Laws, and Applications, trans. Clifford Howell, S.J. [Collegeville, Minn.: The Liturgical Press, 1964], 155).

I cannot trace here the long and complex history of musical instruments in Christian worship. Rather, I will focus on two instances in the church’s history when instruments were not used at all. Though I am not advocating a return to that extreme position (nor, on the other hand, objecting to any who would), I think the extreme position presents the clearest view of certain principles that should be in effect when we admit instruments into our worship. The two instances I am referring to are the patristic era and the Calvinist Reformation. But before turning our attention to these, we need to look briefly at Jewish worship before and at the time of Christ to see what light it might shed on the Psalm references to instruments. For that same purpose, we will also look briefly at what the New Testament says about instruments.

Little is known about the origin and early history of the Psalms. Tradition long ascribed the Psalms to David. But although it is likely that some go back to him, it is impossible to determine with certainty which are of his making. During the centuries following David, and probably under his influence, psalms continued to be composed, edited and compiled until by the third century before Christ the 150 Psalms stood together as a canonical Jewish hymnbook.

If the early history of the Psalms is obscure to our view, so is their function. Were they composed originally for liturgical purposes and were the instruments mentioned involved in the liturgy? Scholarly opinion is divided. Most scholars agree, however, that whatever their original functions might have been, the Psalms, in the process of being collected and compiled, were adapted for liturgical purposes—in particular, for singing at the sacrificial rites carried out in the temple.

There is scanty information about how the Psalms were used in temple worship. The few references in the Old Testament historical and prophetic books do not go very far towards giving us ideas about what music in temple worship was like. But we can be fairly certain that, at least for the second temple, the singing of Psalms at the sacrifices was quite an elaborate affair, performed by the Levites, that is, by highly trained singers and instrumentalists.

We have a somewhat clearer picture of temple worship around the time of Jesus owing to some fairly detailed description found in the Mishnah, a redaction of the Talmud from about the year 200 A.D. Every day of the year there was a solemn sacrifice in the morning and another in the afternoon. On Sabbaths and feast days there were additional sacrifices. With regard to instruments, we learn from the Mishnah that services began with the priests blowing three blasts on silver trumpets. Later in the ritual, trumpets again gave signals as did clashing cymbals, and the singing of psalms was accompanied by stringed instruments, the nevel and the kinnor. (See James McKinnon, “The Question of Psalmody in the Ancient Synagogue,” Early Music History 6 (1986): 162–163.)

It is significant that stringed instruments accompanied the singing. These were softer instruments that could support the singing without covering the words. This is an indication of the logocentric nature of Jewish temple music, a characteristic that set it apart from the music of the sacrificial rites of the Israelites’ pagan neighbors. Pagan sacrificial music typically featured the frenzy-inducing sound of the loud, double-reed instruments and the rhythms of orgiastic dancing. Words were superfluous. Temple music differed radically in each of these characteristics of pagan music. Words were primary and governed the musical rhythms. Instrumental accompaniment was by stringed instruments that supported the monophonic vocal line, perhaps with some heterophonic embellishments, but never covering or distracting attention away from the words. Instruments were used independently only for signaling purposes. Trumpets and cymbals signaled the beginning of the psalm and the places at the end of sections where the worshipers should prostrate themselves.

Music in Jewish synagogues was very different from that in the temple. The gatherings in the synagogues were not for sacrifice and did not require the priestly and Levitical classes. Their music, therefore, was not part of elaborate liturgical ceremony and was not in the hands of specially trained musicians like the Levites. It must have been simple and it definitely did not make use of musical instruments. Like temple psalmody, it was logocentric, but unlike temple psalmody, it did not make use of any instruments, not even those that could support singing without obscuring it.

Interpretations that read Psalm references to musical instruments as referring to Jewish worship practices receive little support from what we know of Jewish temple and synagogue worship. Furthermore, they receive little support from the New Testament. References to instruments in the New Testament are few and can easily be summarized. They are mentioned “in connection with pagan customs (Matt. 9:23; 11:17; Luke 7:32; Apoc. 18:22), or explanatory comparisons (1 Cor. 14:7–8; Matt. 6:2; 1 Cor. 13:1; Apoc. 14:2), [or] in an apocalyptic context where they have a symbolic value.… ” (Gelineau, Voices, 150). There is no evidence that the earliest Christians adopted a different attitude toward instruments in worship. They certainly did not read the Psalms as giving directives to use instruments in worship.

The indifference of the New Testament toward musical instruments does not, however, extend to song. Song, one can say, frames the New Testament. The birth of Jesus brought about an outburst of four songs recorded in the first two chapters of Luke. The second outburst occurs in Revelation when the song to the Lamb is picked up by ever-widening circles until the whole cosmos has joined (Rev. 4). In between Luke and Revelation, the New Testament says little about music. What it does say, however, unquestionably has a positive ring, as in the following familiar passages:

  • Let the word of Christ dwell in you richly, as you teach and admonish one another in all wisdom, and as you sing psalms and hymns and spiritual songs with thankfulness in your hearts to God. (Col. 3:16)
  • Is any one among you suffering? Let him pray. Is any cheerful? Let him sing praise. (James 5:13)

But it is song, not “pure” music, that the New Testament speaks of so warmly. From its inception, the church, like its Jewish forebears, eschewed music separated from word. Without word, music is too vague, too mystifying. As P. Lasserre put it: Music expresses the sentiments but is not capable of defining them, and without the commentary of words, which are absent from instrumental music, the hearer always remains somewhat vague about the nature of the object of the sentiment by which the musician is inspired. (Quoted in Gelineau, Voices, 148)

For that reason, Christian musical thought has always insisted on the importance of logos for keeping music from drifting into vague and undefined spiritual territory. As Fr. Gelineau has put it, only singing, “because of its connection to the revealed word,” combines “explicit confession of faith in Christ with musical expression” (“Music and Singing in the Liturgy,” in The Study of Liturgy, ed. Cheslyn Jones, et al. [New York: Oxford University Press, 1978], 443). Word, he says elsewhere, “demystifies by naming.” Gelineau adds that “when word intervenes … the object of the lament is designated; the praise names its intended recipient” (“Path of Music,” Music and the Experience of God, ed. Mary Collins, et al. [Edinburgh: T. and T. Clark, Ltd., 1989], 137-138). Christian musical thought has always been at odds with the Romantic notion of a “pure” music “which is all the purer the less it is dragged down into the region of vulgar meaning by words (which are always laden with connotations)” (Allgemeine musikalische Zeitung, 1801; from Dahlhaus, Esthetics of Music, trans. William Austin [New York: Cambridge University Press, 1982],27).

Against this background, the negative attitude of the early church toward musical instruments makes sense. In fact, as James McKinnon pointed out, the non-use of instruments in early Christian worship was not because instruments were banished. Rather, because they were irrelevant to the logocentric musical thought and practice the Christians inherited from the Jews, they simply did not enter the picture (see “The Meaning of the Patristic Polemic Against Musical Instruments,” Current Musicology 1(1965): 78).

Logocentric music need not, of course, totally exclude instruments. Instruments that could support singing were used in the temple and most contemporary Christians would likely attest from experience that instruments can indeed lend support to singing without obscuring or engulfing the words. But that danger and others connected with the use of instruments are always lurking, so throughout much of the church’s history leaders have thought the dangers outweighed the potential benefits.

The fathers of the first centuries of the Christian era and John Calvin in the sixteenth century are perhaps the best known of those who decided not to risk the dangers. So they rejected all use of instruments in worship. Involved in both rejections was the principle just discussed: Christian music, like its Jewish ancestor, is logocentric. One indication of how thoroughly logocentric was the early church fathers’ thought on music is their vocabulary. McKinnon points out that they rarely used the term music; instead, their normal terms were psalms and hymns (“Patristic Polemic,” 79).

Central to both the fathers’ and Calvin’s logocentric ideas on music, and hence to their rejection of instruments, was the importance they placed on understanding in worship. The apostle Paul stated the principle simply and directly: “I will sing with the spirit and I will sing with the mind also” (1 Cor. 14:15). So, following Paul, St. Basil urged worshipers, “While your tongue sings, let your mind search out the meaning of the words, so that you might sing in spirit and sing also in understanding” (McKinnon, Music in the Early Christian Literature [New York: Cambridge University Press, 1987], 66). Centuries later Calvin was particularly explicit in relating the need for understanding in worship to Paul’s instructions to the Corinthian Christians.

For our Lord did not institute the order which we must observe when we gather together in His name merely that the world might be amused by seeing and looking upon it, but wished rather that therefrom should come profit to all His people. Thus witnesseth Saint Paul, commanding that all which is done in the church be directed unto the common edifying of all … For to say that we can have devotion, either at prayers or at ceremonies, without understanding anything of them, is a great mockery.… And indeed, if one could be edified by things which one sees without knowing what they mean, Saint Paul would not so rigorously forbid speaking in an unknown tongue. … (Foreword to the Geneva Psalter, in Source Readings in Music History, trans. Oliver Strunk [New York: W. W. Norton and Co., 1950], 345-346)

In his commentary on Psalm 33, Calvin connected instrumental music and speaking in tongues: The name of God, no doubt, can, properly speaking, be celebrated only by the articulate voice; but it is not without reason that David adds to this those aids by which believers were wont to stimulate themselves the more to this exercise; especially considering that he was speaking to God’s ancient people. There is a distinction, however, to be observed here, that we may not indiscriminately consider as applicable to ourselves, everything which was formerly enjoined upon the Jews. I have no doubt that playing upon cymbals, touching the harp and the viol, and all that kind of music, which is so frequently mentioned in the Psalms, was a part of the education; that is to say, the puerile instruction of the law.… For even now, if believers choose to cheer themselves with musical instruments, they should, I think, make it their object not to dissever their cheerfulness from the praises of God. But when they frequent their sacred assemblies, musical instruments in celebrating the praises of God would be no more suitable than the burning of incense, the lighting up of lamps, and the restoration of the other shadows of the law.… Men who are fond of outward pomp may delight in that noise, but the simplicity which God recommends to us by the apostle is far more pleasing to him. Paul allows us to bless God in the public assembly of the saints only in a known tongue. (Commentary on the Book of Psalms, vol. 1, trans. James Anderson [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1948], 538-539)

Calvin’s implication is clear: instruments speak in an unknown tongue.

Moreover, in this passage, in addition to expressing the ideal of logocentric music, Calvin gave an explanation of why God allowed instruments to his Old Testament people: it was a concession to their spiritual immaturity; it was “puerile instruction” that, after the coming of Christ, became as unnecessary as the other “shadows of the law.” Calvin’s thought here is precisely in line with that of the church fathers. St. John Chrysostom put it as follows: … in ancient times, they were thus led by these instruments due to the slowness of their understanding and were gradually drawn away from idolatry. Accordingly, just as he allowed sacrifices, so too did he permit instruments, making concessions to their weakness. (McKinnon, Music, 83)

The primacy of understanding through words, then, was fundamental in causing the early church to continue to practice a logocentric music like that which it inherited from its Jewish forebears; it was also fundamental to Calvin’s rejection of instruments in worship. But for both there was another reason almost as powerful. It is incapsulated in the phrase una voces dicentes, “singing with one voice.”

In his letter to the Romans, Paul wrote, “May the God who gives endurance and encouragement give you a spirit of unity among yourselves as you follow Jesus Christ, so that with one heart and mouth you may glorify the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ” (15:5–6). Although “with one mouth” does not here refer exclusively to singing, there can be no doubt that it articulated a principle that the early church took very seriously for its singing. The importance of singing “with one voice” is a frequent refrain among the early Christian writers. Listen to some of its variations over the first few centuries of the Christian era.

Let us consider the entire multitude of his angels, how standing by you they minister to his will. For the Scripture says: “Ten thousand times ten thousand stood by him and a thousand times a thousand ministered to him and cried out, ‘Holy, holy, holy is the Lord of Sabaoth, the whole creation is full of his glory” (Isa. 6:3). Let us, therefore, gathered together in concord by conscience, cry out earnestly to him as if with one voice, so that we might come to share in his great and glorious promises. (Clement of Rome; trans. McKinnon, Music, 18)

And so more sweetly pleasing to God than any musical instrument would be the symphony of the people of God, by which, in every church of God, with kindred spirit and single disposition, with one mind and unanimity of faith and piety, we raise melody in unison in our psalmody. (Eusebius of Caesarea; trans. McKinnon, Music, 98)

[A psalm is] a pledge of peace and harmony, which produces one song from various and sundry voices in the manner of a cithara.… A psalm joins those with differences, unites those at odds, and reconciles those who have been offended, for who will not concede to him with whom one sings to God in one voice? It is after all a great bond of unity for the full number of people to join in one chorus. (Ambrose; trans. McKinnon, Music, 126–127)

Unity was an important matter to the early Christians and almost from the beginning, as these quotations show, singing “with one voice” became an expression of, a metaphor of, and even a means toward unity.

Calvin’s return to unison, unaccompanied, congregational singing was also spurred in part by his recognition of singing as an expression of the communal dimension of worship.

Moreover, since the glory of God ought, in a measure, to shine in the several parts of our bodies, it is especially fitting that the tongue has been assigned and destined for this task, both through singing and through speaking. For it was peculiarly created to tell and proclaim the praise of God. But the chief use of the tongue is in public prayers, which are offered in the assembly of believers, by which it comes about that with one common voice, and as it were, with the same mouth, we all glorify God together, worshiping him with one spirit and the same faith. (Institutes [III, xx, 31], 894-895)

The twin concerns for keeping the church’s music anchored in the Word (and hence in words) and for maintaining a liturgical activity that “touches on the essential mystery of the church as koinonia” (Gelineau, “Music,” 441) are the primary roots of the early church’s and Calvin’s avoidance of instruments. For the early church fathers, there was a third concern, a concern that had to do with association or context.

James McKinnon began his article on the church fathers’ attitude towards musical instruments with this striking observation: “The antagonism which the Fathers of the early church displayed toward instruments has two outstanding characteristics: vehemence and uniformity” (McKinnon, “Meaning,” 69). One need not read far to notice the vehemence, and no matter how far one reads, he will not encounter a significantly different view on the subject. It is hard to understand this vehemence and uniformity simply on the basis of the two concerns we have already discussed. After all, Calvin held those concerns as strongly as the early fathers did, but he does not display their vehemence. He objected to instruments in communal worship but his objection did not go beyond that. In his commentary on Psalm 33, he merely remarked that “if believers choose to cheer themselves with musical instruments, they should, I think, make it their object not to dissever their cheerfulness from the praises of God.” That is a long way removed, for example, from the fourth-century Alexandrian canon, which legislated: “When a reader learns to play the cithara, he shall be taught to confess it. If he does not return to it, he will endure his punishment for seven weeks. If he persists in it, he must be discharged and excluded from the church” (McKinnon, Music, 120).

Such legislation is likely to strike us as unimaginably harsh. Perhaps it was. But as one reads the fathers more broadly and begins to understand something of the context within which they wrote, their vehement and uniform denunciations of musical instruments become more understandable. The early church, we must remember, had music that was sufficient for its needs and for which instruments were superfluous. We must also remember that she found herself surrounded by a decadent pagan culture and, after Constantine, filled with people only recently turned from that culture. The music in that culture made prominent use of instruments, both in the sacrificial rites of pagan religions and in many morally degenerate activities common in the late Roman Empire. Invariably it is with specific reference to the religious or social context that the church fathers made their denunciations of musical instruments. Specifically, the church fathers’ statements about musical instruments come in the context of pagan cultic practices, the theater (often closely related to the cultic practices), pagan banquets, weddings, or, more generally, drunken carousing and sexual immorality. The following quotations are typical:

  • You will not honor these things, but rather despise them … and those castrations which the Phrygians perform, bewitched at first by the aulos.… (Gregory of Nazianzus; trans. McKinnon, Music, 71)
  • As the tragic actor loudly declaims, will one reflect upon the exclamations of a prophet, and as the effeminate tibicinist plays, will one call to mind a psalm? … (Tertullian; trans. McKinnon, Music, 44)
  • The irregular movements of auloi, psalteries, choruses, dances, Egyptian clappers, and other such playthings become altogether indecent and uncouth, especially when joined by beating cymbals and tympana and accompanied by the noisy instruments of deception. Such a symposium, it seems to me, becomes nothing but a theatre of drunkenness. (Clement of Alexandria; trans. McKinnon, Music, 32)
  • It is not the marriage of which I speak—one would hope not—but what accompanies it. Nature indulges in Bacchic frenzy then, those present become brutes rather than men; they neigh like horses and kick like asses. There is much dissipation, much dissolution, but nothing earnest, nothing high-minded; there is much pomp of the devil here—cymbals, auloi, and songs full of fornication and adultery. (John Chrysostom; McKinnon, Music, 85)
  • Therefore not without justification [does Isaiah say] woe unto them who require the drink of intoxication in the morning, who ought to render praise to God, to rise before dawn and meet in prayer the sun of justice, who visits his own and rises before us, if we rise for Christ rather than for wine and strong drink. Hymns are sung, and you grasp the cithara? Psalms are sung, and you take up the psaltery and tympanum? Woe indeed, because you disregard salvation and choose death. (Ambrose; McKinnon, Music, 128–129)

Similar quotations could be multiplied several times over. What they all point to are religiously repugnant and morally degenerate activities in which instruments were an inextricable part. The early Christians hardly knew any other use of instruments than in the music associated with objectionable pagan religious and social activities. Such close identification of instrument, music, and activity is what made the church fathers so uniformly and vehemently opposed to instruments, not only in worship but in all of Christian life.

Two principles—the primacy of words and the importance of community—led the early church Fathers and John Calvin to renounce the use of musical instruments in worship. A third principle—the need to keep free from inappropriate associations—reinforced the fathers’ position. Although conditions change from time to time and from place to place, the three principles that undergirded the fathers’ and Calvin’s renunciation of instruments in worship are relevant at all times and places. But none of the principles, nor all taken together, necessarily leads to a total renunciation of instruments in worship.

The principle of avoiding unwanted associations is, of course, the one whose application is going to be the most fluid. Suffice it to say here that in late twentieth-century Western culture the church should be wary of instruments, or at least the styles of playing them, that are inextricably involved in popular culture. The moral degeneracy of so much in that culture should make Christians today as wary as the church fathers were in the late Roman Empire.

With regard to the principle of “with one voice,” it should be obvious that the principle is most clearly practiced in unison singing and that it becomes successively less clear as part-singing, traditional instruments, and finally, electronic instruments are introduced.

From the moment human beings started to “train” their voices … there was the potential for driving a wedge between the song of the trained singer and the song of the rest of humanity. That potential took a large leap when instruments were introduced because now sounds were made by mechanisms different from that of the voice. The potential took a quantum leap, however, with the advent of electricity. Instruments severed sounds from the voice, but they still were forced to restrict themselves to acoustic boundaries. Amplification by electricity took away the acoustic boundaries and created sounds even further removed from the voice. (Westermeyer, “Instruments in Worship,” 114)

To this, I would add that the use of prerecorded music totally violates this principle. It is not the voice of any one of the gathered worshipers.

Finally, even the primacy of words need not necessarily negate the use of instruments. Although they can easily become distractions and overwhelm or obliterate words, if care is exercised, instruments can support and enhance singing in many ways. But even if this is granted, the question remains whether this principle negates the use of purely instrumental music. Again, not necessarily. Even the early church left an opening for wordless music. St. Augustine gave the classic description of the jubilus, the outpouring of joy beyond words.

One who jubilates (iubilat) does not speak words, but it is rather a sort of sound of joy without words since it is the voice of a soul poured out in joy and expressing, as best it can, the feeling, though not grasping the sense. A man delighting in his joy, from some words which cannot be spoken or understood, bursts forth in a certain voice of exultation without words, so that it seems he does indeed rejoice with his own voice, but as if, because filled with too much joy, he cannot explain in words what it is in which he delights. (Trans. McKinnon, Music, 361)

However, Augustine does add that proper jubilation ought to be “in justification” and “in confession,” which I take to mean in a specific context. In any case, it is worth noting that the closest music came to being wordless in the medieval liturgy was in the highly melismatic chants like the Graduals and Alleluias and even more so in the organa of Leonin and Perotin. But this music always had as its context the words of the liturgy. In fact, its context was not just words but the Word; it was always sung in the context of the Scripture lessons. If, as Augustine and medieval practice require, wordless music is kept in touch with words and the Word, instrumental music can have a place in Christian worship. But it must never be allowed to suggest that its beauty has some kind of spiritual efficacy. The ease with which Romantic thought about “pure” music slipped into a religion of music should serve to warn us about music’s seductive power. We must remember, as Fr. Gelineau’s memorable formulation puts it, that its beauty, indeed any perceptible beauty, “can be a sign of grace, but never the source of grace” (Voices, 26).

Congregational Singing in England, Canada, and The United States Since 1950

Since 1950, there has been more music published for congregational singing than at any other time in the history of the church. Nearly every major denominational body, as well as many independent congregations and publishing companies, have produced official and supplementary hymnals and related collections of songs. In almost every case, these collections evidence a recovery of traditions once lost and relentless pursuit of contemporary music that is both faithful to the gospel and representative of the languages—both verbal and musical—of modern culture.

The 1950s

Several trends continued throughout the decade of the 1950s. Many new publications indicated an increase in the use of some one hundred to two hundred common historic hymns which later became the basic repertoire of congregational songs found in most hymnals. At the same time, the multiplication of simple choruses, sung chiefly in evangelical gatherings, made differences in the musical styles used in the church more pronounced.

Most hymn singing of the 1950s came to sound all the same, almost always sung to organ accompaniment. With the development of technology for sound amplification, numerous sanctuaries were “remodeled” to nullify the distraction of any sound except that which originated from the preacher or singer stationed behind a microphone. This discouraged wholehearted congregational hymn singing.

However, during the same period of time, a new working of God’s Spirit was evidenced in the phenomenon of glossolalia (i.e., speaking in tongues). This new movement claimed participants in the mainline denominations as well as churches of Pentecostal persuasion.

By the end of the decade criticism against traditional forms of worship and musical styles increased. And, although it was most intense among the youth, adults too voiced concern against archaic language and what seemed to them to be medieval music.

The 1960s

The great divide between the past and the present in congregational singing erupted in England with the publication of Geoffrey Beaumont’s Folk Mass in 1957. Written for young people, this work was composed in an innovative manner, calling for a cantor to sing a phrase of the text, which was then repeated by the congregation. This responsive form, along with the popular style of its melodies and harmony, made this work an instant success.

Similarly, in the early 1960s, Michael Baughen, later Bishop of Chester, along with some friends, sought to provide new songs for a new generation. Even though no publisher would support their first endeavor, they published Youth Praise (Michael A. Baughen, ed. [London: Falcon Books, 1966]). The Church Pastoral Aid Society subsequently published Youth Praise 2 (Michael A. Baughen, ed., [London: Falcon Books, 1969]) and Psalm Praise (Michael A. Baughen, ed. [Chicago: GIA Publications, 1973]). This cluster of friends, known as the Jubilate Group, includes such outstanding writers and composers as Timothy Dudley-Smith (b. 1926), Christopher Idle (b. 1938), Michael Perry (b. 1942), and Norman Warren (b. 1934). It has grown to forty members, becoming well known in the United States due to the consistent effort of George Shorney, Chairman of the Hope Publishing Company. Their modern language hymnal, Hymns for Today’s Church was published both in England (by Hodder and Stoughton, London) and in the United States (by the Hope Publishing Company, Carol Stream, Ill.).

Fred Kaan, a one-time pastor of Pilgrim Church in Plymouth, England, also wrote contemporary hymns for his congregation which was used far beyond those sanctuary walls. His first collection of 50 texts was called Pilgrim Praise (Plymouth, England: Pilgrim Church, 1968). After moving to Geneva, Switzerland, where he collaborated with composer Doreen Potter, he published twenty new hymns under the title Break Not The Circle (Carol Stream, Ill.: Agape, 1975). Later, in 1985, Hope Publishing Company issued the complete collection of his work, The Hymn Texts of Fred Kaan (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing, 1985).

Other publications appeared with new texts and music. In London, Josef Weinberger became the publisher of a series of supplemental books beginning in 1965. These contained representative works written in a pop style by the Twentieth Century Church Light Music Group. Some of these songs also became available in the United States in the 1970s. In addition, Gailliard (London) published the Sydney Carter song, “Lord of The Dance,” in l963, followed by a collection of other songs by Carter which were recorded and made available in the United States.

Continuing in the tradition of Hymns Ancient and Modern, 100 Hymns for Today (John Dykes Bower, ed., [London: William Clowes and Sons, 1969]) was published as its supplement. Some years later, a similar supplement to The English Hymnal was completed with the title English Praise (George Timms, ed. [London: Oxford University Press, 1975]).

The United States. The earliest work in the United States similar to Beaumont’s Folk Mass was Herbert G. Draesel, Jr.’s immensely popular Rejoice (New York: Marks Music Corp., 1964). Later recorded, this sacred folk mass promoted the use of electric guitars and drums in the regular worship services of churches. Then soon after Vatican II, young Roman Catholic musicians introduced a large number of folk masses intended for unison singing with guitar accompaniment. Each of these was made available both in print and on records, which accelerated their popularity.

The great success of F.E.L. (Friends of English Liturgy) Publications widened the acceptance of these and other new songs into Catholic and non-Catholic circles. Their Hymnal for Young Christians: A Supplement to Adult Hymnals (Roger D. Nachtwey, ed., Chicago: F.E.L. Church Publications, 1966) was released in Roman Catholic and ecumenical editions in 1966. A second volume appeared in 1970. Songs such as “We Shall Overcome,” “Allelu,” “Sons of God,” and “They’ll Know We Are Christians by Our Love” were commonly sung by Christian young people.

At the same time, many Methodists sang songs found in New Wine (Jim Strathdee, ed., 2 vols. [Los Angeles: Board of Education of the Southern California—Arizona Conference of the United Methodist Church, 1969,1973]), and some Presbyterians adopted Richard Avery and Donald Marsh’s Hymns Hot and Carols Cool (Port Jervis, N.Y.: Proclamation Productions, 1967).

In evangelical churches, the rapid development of the youth musical (such as Buryl Red’s Celebrate Life [Nashville: Broadman Press, 1972]) coincided with the popularity of compositions for youth by Ralph Carmichael that appeared in films and on record. A number of these songs were printed in the little pocket edition (melody line and texts) of “He’s Everything To Me” (Los Angeles: Lexicon Music, 1969).

More traditional in its orientation, the most important Protestant hymnal published in the 1960s was The Methodist Hymnal (1964), released under the expert supervision of editor/composer Carlton R. Young.

The 1970s

In the 1970s, ecumenical and denominational hymnals continued to be published. A staggering number of smaller supplemental books, often experimental in nature, also appeared.

The continuing ecumenical emphasis of earlier years was evident in the fourth edition (1970) of The Lutheran World Federations Hymnal, Laudamus (a fifth edition was published in 1984). And the more comprehensive work of hymnologist Erik Routley was evidenced in the 1974 Cantate Domino (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1980), compiled for the World Council of Churches. In 1971 the impressive Hymn Book (Toronto: Anglican Church of Canada and the United Church of Canada, 1971) drew together quality selections from past centuries as well as some of the finest new songs, such as Sydney Carter’s imaginative “Lord of the Dance.” During the following year, 1972, the Presbyterian Church in Canada issued its own revision of an earlier book, The Book of Praise edited by William Fitch (Ontario, Canada: The Presbyterian Church in Canada, 1972). This collection adopted the more modern practice of placing all stanzas of the text between the staves of music. The Baptist Federation of Canada followed with their 1973 book, The Hymnal (Carol M. Giesbrecht, ed.) And a joint American/Canadian venture, the General Conference of the Mennonite Brethren Churches, published the Worship Hymnal (Hillsboro, Kans.: Mennonite Brethren Publishing House, 1973) with Paul Wohlgemuth as chairman/editor. The Covenant Hymnal (Chicago: The Covenant Press, 1973) of the Evangelical Covenant Church of America was the result of a careful search for the finest hymns of the past as well as new works, particularly hymns written in response to requests of the Hymn Society in the United States and Canada. Its supplement The Song Goes On (Glen V. Wiberg, ed. [Chicago: Covenant Publications, 1990]) was issued in 1990. Meanwhile, Donald P. Hustad served as editor for one of the more scholarly books to be published by the Hope Publishing Company. That book, Hymns for the Living Church (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1974) proved itself to be a valuable resource for churches with a broad musical taste. At the same time William J. Reynolds, another outstanding national leader in the area of church music, served as editor of the new edition of the Baptist Hymnal (Nashville, Tenn.: Convention Press, 1975).

In the middle of the decade, the editors of the Roman Catholic Worship II (Robert J. Batastini, ed. [Chicago: GIA Publications, 1975]) were free to admit that the Roman Catholic Church has its own sacred music tradition, but that tradition does not include a long history of singing in the English language. Unlike their fellow Americans of the same American “melting pot” culture, Catholic parishes for the most part have yet to experience the same vitality of song that echoes from their neighboring Christian Churches.

That vitality of song had already existed in the worldwide Lutheran church for over 450 years. Lutheran immigrants to America sang their chorales in their original languages. However, by the time of the 1960 and 1962 Lutheran church mergers, those various nationalistic branches had become “Americanized,” adopting a larger number of English hymns, along with translations of their ethnic songs. The Lutheran Book of Worship (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1987) is a culminating work that includes these translations and a number of contemporary texts and hymn tunes by recognized American Lutheran authors and composers such as Charles Anders (b. 1929), Theodore Beck (b. 1929), Jan Bender (b. 1909), Paul Bunjes (b. 1914), Donald Busarow (b. 1934), Gracia Grindal (b. 1943), Richard Hillert (b. 1923), Frederick Jackisch (b. 1922), Carl Schalk (b. 1929), and Jaroslav Vajda (b. 1919). Members of the committee which produced this book represented all of the participating American and Canadian churches in the Inter-Lutheran Commission on Worship.

Also of importance was the innovative and highly influential collection Hymns for the Family of God (Fred Bock and Brian Jeffery Leach, eds. [Nashville: Paragon Associates, 1976]). A new era in congregational singing was proclaimed in its preface:

Whereas it used to take decades or centuries for a hymn or song-style to become an established part of the Christian’s repertoire, today this can happen in a matter of a few month’s time. For example “Alleluia” and “They’ll Know We Are Christians by Our Love” are sung almost everywhere by almost everyone.

In addition to the appearance of these new hymnals, there was a flurry of publications of a quite different nature, published to fill the need for more contemporary songs with updated language, and using a greater variety of popular musical styles.

In England, the work of the Hymn Society of Great Britain and Ireland introduced the newest texts of Albert Bayly (1901–1984), Fred Pratt Green (b. 1903), Fred Kaan (b. 1929), and Brian Wren (b. 1936) as well as the most current music by Peter Cutts (b. 1937) and Michael Fleming (b. 1928). Galliard of Norfolk had a continuing series of books that were made available in the United States, such as Songs for the Seventies (James D. Ross, ed. [New York: Galaxy Music Corporation, 1972]). This collection contained Sydney Carter’s controversial “Friday Morning.”

In America, Hope Publishing Company’s subsidiary, Agape, and editor Carlton Young had their own series of imaginative and innovative books. In both a pocket-size edition and a larger spiral-bound edition, they presented a collection of seventy eclectic songs called Songbook for Saints and Sinners (Carol Stream, Ill.: Agape, 1971). The Avery and Marsh folk-song pieces were printed next to Catholic Ray Repp’s “Allelu,” Lutheran John Ylvisaker’s “Thanks be to God,” Southern Baptist William Reynold’s “Up and Get us Gone,” Episcopalian Herbert G. Draesel’s “Nicene Creed” and numerous black spirituals. The Genesis Songbook (Carol Stream, Ill.: Agape, 1973) which followed in l973 contained such popular songs as Stephen Schwartz’s “Day by Day,” Bob Dylan’s “The Times They Are A-Changin,” James Thiem’s “Sons of God,” Sy Miller and Jill Jackson’s “Let There be Peace on Earth,” and Gene MacLellan’s “Put Your Hand in the Hand.”

The Exodus Songbook (Carlton Young, ed. [Carol Stream: Agape, 1976]) was next in 1976 with an amazingly different gallery of songwriters: Burt Bacharach, Leonard Bernstein, Duke Ellington, George Gershwin, Paul Simon, Kurt Weil, Malcolm Williamson, and Stevie Wonder. Some of the titles indicated the unusual nature of the group of songs in this collection: “We’ve Only Just Begun,” “What the World Needs Now,” “It Ain’t Necessarily So,” “A Simple Song,” “Raindrops Keep Fallin’ On My Head,” “Come Sunday,” “He Ain’t Heavy, He’s My Brother,” “Somewhere,” and “Bridge Over Troubled Water.”

By 1977 editor “Sam” Young had turned his attention to a uniquely adventuresome supplement project. Ecumenical Praise (Carlton Young, ed. [Carol Stream, Ill.: Agape, 1977]) came to be the most experimental and influential work of its kind. The list of its contemporary composers was quite impressive: Samuel Adler, Emma Lou Diemer, Richard Dirksen, Richard Felciano, Iain Hamilton, Calvin Hampton, Austin C. Lovelace, Jane Marshall, Daniel Moe, Erik Routley, Ned Rorem, Carl Schalk, Malcolm Williamson, Alec Wyton, and Carlton R. Young.

In addition, the evangelical “youth” booklets came forth in a steady and seemingly endless stream. Many had only lyrics, melody lines, and guitar chords. They were intended to be used for unison group singing in Sunday school, at camp, in youth meetings, and in coffee houses. The youth in the Lutheran church used a number of books such as David Anderson’s The New Jesus Style Songs (Minneapolis: Augsburg Publishing House, 1972) while those in evangelical churches sang the songs in Ralph Carmichael’s He’s Everything to Me Plus 103 (Los Angeles: Lexicon Music, 1972). Those who participated in Young Life or Campus Life on high school and college campuses sang from Yohann Anderson’s Songs (San Anselmo, Calif.: Songs and Creations, 1972). In time many larger, independent hymnals included other songs of the seventies, such as Andre Crouch’s “My Tribute” (1971), Kurt Kaiser’s “Oh, How He Loves You and Me” (1975), the Gaithers’ “There’s Something About That Name” (1970), Jimmy Owen’s “Clap Your Hands” (1972), and a large number of spirituals that had been revived during the years of civil unrest.

The 1980s

Ecumenical efforts in the publication of hymnbooks continued. The successor to the 1933 English Methodist Hymn Book was the 1983 Hymns and Psalms: A Methodist and Ecumenical Hymn Book (Richard G. Jones, ed. [London: Methodist Publishing House, 1983]) Prepared by representatives of the Baptist Union, Churches of Christ, Church of England, Congregational Federation, Methodist Church in Ireland, United Reformed Church, and the Wesleyan Reform Union, it produced one hymnbook for several denominations, not unlike the idea of the unified Korean Hymnal of 1984 and similar efforts in Sweden. The contemporary British authors represented in this large (888 items) Methodist book include Albert Bayly, Sydney Carter, Timothy Dudley-Smith, Fred Pratt Green, Alan Luff, Erik Routley, and Brian Wren. Some of the notable hymn tune composers are Geoffrey Beaumont, Sydney Carter, Peter Cutts, Erik Routley, Norma Warren, and John Wilson.

The “hymn explosion” that had taken place in Great Britain became the “hymnal explosion” of the 1980s in the United States. This was due in part to the exceptional efforts of George Shorney, chairman of America’s largest publisher of nondenominational hymnals, the century-old Hope Publishing Company. As host to visits of leading English hymn-writers and the publisher of single-author books of texts, he did more than any single person to promote the use of those new texts on this side of the Atlantic.

One of the early volumes contained The Hymns and Ballads of Fred Pratt Green (Bernard Braley, ed. [Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1982]), complete with notes on each text. This collection contained “General Hymns,” “Hymns for Special Occasions,” “Ballads,” “Translations,” “Early Hymns,” and “Anthem Texts.” It seems as though every new American hymnal has adopted his oft-quoted “When in Our Music, God Is Glorified” (Later Hymns and Ballads and Fifty Poems, Bernard Braley, ed. [Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1989]).

In 1983 The Hymns & Songs of Brian Wren, with Many Tunes by Peter Cutts was published in the United States as Faith Looking Forward (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1983). “Christ is Alive!,” one of his innovative works, found its way into a number of hymnals during the eighties. Another collection followed in 1986. Then in 1989, thirty-five new Wren hymns were issued under the title Bring Many Names (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1989).

The following year the collected hymns of Timothy Dudley-Smith were published as Lift Every Heart (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1984). And in a very short period of time, a number of his widely accepted texts were printed in a variety of denominational and nondenominational books. Likewise, the work of Canada’s leading hymn-writer, Margaret Clarkson, was collected in A Singing Heart (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1987), while American counterpart Jane Parker Huber had her texts published in A Singing Faith (Philadelphia: The Westminster Press, 1987). In the same year, Lutheran Jaroslav J. Vajda had his hymns, carols, and songs published in a volume entitled Now The Joyful Celebration (St. Louis, Mo.: Concordia Publishing House, 1987). In the early 1990s, New Zealander Shirley Erena Murray’s work was introduced in the United States by the collection In Every Corner Sing (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1992).

A few years later the collected hymns for the church year (after the model set in Keble’s Christian Year) were assembled in Carl P. Daw, Jr.’s A Year of Grace (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1990). Eighteen of the metrical canticles from this significant work were published subsequently, each with two musical settings, in To Sing God’s Praise (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1992).

Finally, the single-author collection Go Forth for God (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1991) introduced the complete hymn-writing opus of English clergyman J. R. Peacey to editors and worship leaders in the United States. The British “hymn explosion” had become a significant part of the “hymnal explosion” in the United States.

This decade of the hymnal began with the publication of Lutheran Worship (St. Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1982), the authorized hymnal for the Lutheran Church-Missouri Synod. It restored original unequal rhythms to a number of the early chorales and included important contributions by such contemporary Lutheran composers as Anders, Beck, Bender, Bunjes, Busarow, Manz, Sateren, and Schalk.

However, it was The Hymnal 1982 (Raymond F. Glover, ed. [New York: The Church Hymnal Corporation, 1985]) which set the standard for future denominational hymnals. A revision of The Hymnal 1940 (New York: The Church Pension Fund, 1940), had several noticeable differences: (1) the use of guitar chord symbols; (2) added instrumental parts; (3) metronome markings; (4) black note notation, and (5) music within the musical staff.

In l985 the Reformed Church in America issued its own book, Rejoice in the Lord: A Hymn Companion to the Scriptures (Erik Routley, ed. [Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985]). It is chiefly the work of editor Erik Routley and it bears the stamp of his genius.

A year later two very different collections of congregational songs were published. In Worship III (Robert J. Batastini, ed. [Chicago, Ill.: GIA Publications, 1986]), Roman Catholics made an effort to move into the mainstream of congregational hymnody. Distinguished composers included in this new revision of the l971 and 1975 editions were Marty Haugen, Howard Hughes, and Michael Joncas.

Remarkably different was The Hymnal for Worship and Celebration (Tom Fettke, ed. [Waco, Tex.: Word Music, 1986]). Its brief services (and medleys) with choral introductions and codas and the complete orchestration of its contents made this a distinctively new collection. Moreover, the eclecticism of its contents may best be illustrated in the titles of some of the songs: the “Hallelujah Chorus” (Messiah); Timothy Dudley-Smith’s setting of the Magnificat, “Tell Out My Soul”; Andre Crouch’s solo song “My Tribute”; the country/western song, “I’ll Fly Away”; the spiritual, “He’s Got the Whole World in His Hands”; Ralph Carmichael’s hit song, “He’s Everything to Me”; and Jack Hayford’s praise chorus, “Majesty.”

Another pair of hymnals was published in 1987. The carefully constructed Christian Reformed Psalter Hymnal (Emily R. Brink, ed. [Grand Rapids: CRC Publications, 1987]) featured metrical versions of all 150 psalms, settings of biblical songs from Genesis to Revelation, and hymns for every act of worship and season of the Christian year.

This may be contrasted with the evangelical Gaither Music Company publication, Worship His Majesty (Fred Bock, ed. [Alexandria, Ind.: Gaither Music Company, 1987]). Here the reader will find Christian contemporary solos by Paul Stookey, Dottie Rambo, and Bill and Gloria Gaither, along with nineteenth-century gospel songs by Fanny Crosby and Ira D. Sankey. The Church of God also used contemporary Christian songs in their new hymnal, Worship The Lord (Alexandria, Ind.: Warner Press, 1989).

Until the publication of their new hymnal in 1989, the United Methodists used the 1982 Supplement to the Book of Hymns (Carlton R. Young, ed. [Nashville: The United Methodist Publishing House, 1982]) as well as a 1983 Asian-American collection, Hymns from the Four Winds (Nashville: Abingdon Press, 1983) edited by the distinguished ethnomusicologist, I-to-Loh.

At the end of the decade, a superb collection of congregational songs was completed by the members of the Hymnal Revision Committee of the United Methodist Church under the editorship of Carlton Young. This 1989 book was the result of a careful review of traditional and contemporary materials. Well-known hymns from Greek, Latin, German, Scandinavian, Wesleyan, English, and North American traditions were placed alongside representative and meaningful evangelical songs. Selections from the contemporary popular repertoire were printed with English and American hymns of the “hymn explosion” period. A wide variety of ethnic songs were also given some prominence.

Apart from these large collections of congregational songs, a large number of supplemental books appeared during the eighties—books of every possible kind, many with accompanying cassette recordings. And with the recording of the songs in these very diverse books, the adoption of the new music became increasingly rapid.

Roman Catholics purchased cassette tapes of single artists/composers such as John Michael Talbot as well as the music and tapes of Gather to Remember (Michael A. Cymbala, ed. [Chicago: GIA Publications, 1982]). Moreover, the many cantor-congregation publications encouraged an easy form of responsive singing. The Music of Taize (Robert J. Bastastini, ed. [Chicago: GIA Publications, 1978]), a Protestant community in France, was promoted by Robert Bastastini, editor of GIA Publication.

Episcopalians made a significant contribution to the growing repertoire of ethnic hymnody in the publication of Lift Every Voice and Sing: A Collection of Afro-American Spirituals and Other Song (New York: Church Hymnal Corporation, 1981), and the Catholics followed with Lead Me, Guide Me: The African-American Catholic Hymnal (Chicago: GIA Publications, 1987).

The Hope Publishing Company, Agape division, published a 1984 Hymnal Supplement (Carol Stream, Ill.: Agape, 1984) followed by Hymnal Supplement II (Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Co., 1987) with new material from leading British and American writers and composers. Then in 1989, Tom Fettke compiled and edited Exalt Him (Waco, Tex.: Word Books, 1989) which was issued in a words-only edition, a music edition, and a piano/rhythm book, and was recorded on cassette and CD, along with a variety of accompaniment tapes.

Three major groups emerged as leaders in the publication of praise-and-worship music. Maranatha! Music had early been the leader with its famous Praise (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Maranatha! Music, 1983). Integrity’s Hosanna! Music also developed a continuing stream of both printed and recorded materials, while the Vineyard Ministries spread both their style of worship and their musical repertoire to a number of countries. All three repertoires have been used extensively.

One of the most unusual series of publications of the late 1980s came from the Iona Community in Scotland. The wild goose, a Celtic symbol of the Holy Spirit, was adopted as the symbol of this community of prayer, which is made up of ordained and lay men and women of all denominations sharing a common rule of faith and life. The chief author of each collection of unaccompanied songs was John Bell. Some sixty percent of the fifty songs in each volume were his own compositions. The remainder were mostly British folk tunes such as “O Waly Waly,” “Sussex Carol,” “Scarborough Fair,” and “Barbara Allen.” The first collection, Heaven Shall Not Wait (Costa Mesa, Calif.: Maranatha! Music, 1987), was issued in 1987 and revised in 1989. The second volume, Enemy of Apathy was issued in 1988 (John Bell and Graham Maule, eds. (Chicago: GIA Publications); Heaven Shall Not Wait was revised in 1990. The third in the series, Love from Above (John Bell and Graham Maule, eds. [Chicago: GIA Publications, 1989]) was published in 1989. The main themes here pertain to the Trinity, Jesus as a friend, creation, and the oneness of worship and work. A recording of each compilation was also made available.

The 1990s

The publishing of new hymnals continues and shows no sign of abatement. Under a directive to develop a hymnal using inclusive language with an awareness of the great diversity within the church, the Presbyterian hymnal committee included 695 selections in its Presbyterian Hymnal and its ecumenical edition Hymns, Psalms & Spiritual Songs (Linda Jo McKim, ed. [Louisville, Ky.: Westminster/John Knox Press, 1990]). Their aim—“to provide a book for congregational singing with the expectation that all who use it may be enriched by hymns from gospel, evangelical, Reformed, and racial and ethnic traditions in the church”—is clearly stated in the preface (p. 7). True to the Presbyterian heritage, the book includes one hundred musical settings of selections from the Psalter, including six settings for Psalm 23. And there are 157 congregational songs included in the Christian Year section, indicating the continuing interest in the denomination to observe the Christian year. The remaining 347 songs in the Topical Hymns and Service Music sections comprise a varied selection including music provided for Spanish, Korean, Chinese, and Japanese texts.

The leadership of George H. Shorney and the enthusiastic efforts of hymnal editor Donald P. Hustad, one of America’s leading church musicians and hymnologists, resulted in The Worshiping Church: A Hymnal (Donald P. Hustad, ed. [Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1990]). Of particular interest in this important book are its several adjunct volumes. The three accompaniment books have been published for keyboard, brass, and handbells. The Worship Leader’s Edition contains helpful articles related to worship and congregational singing as well as a brief analysis of each song printed. The concordance tabulates the texts which contain any important word that the user wishes to find. Moreover, the dictionary companion contains complete historical information about all texts and tunes.

The latest Baptist Hymnal (Wesley L. Forbes, ed. [Nashville, Tenn.: Convention Press, 1991]) is a magnificent contribution to the ongoing development of heartfelt congregational singing in the churches of the Southern Baptist Convention, America’s largest Protestant denomination. A hymnal for people of the Book, each text has been carefully examined as to its theological content. From the beginning of congregational singing in Benjamin Keach’s London church (1691) until 1991, the published books for Baptist congregations have included a wide variety of forms and styles. This book features the greatest variety to date, including traditional hymns and gospel songs as well as contemporary classical hymns, contemporary gospel songs, renewal songs, choruses, and ethnic selections.

Likewise, the 1992 Mennonite Hymnal (Kenneth Nafziger, ed. [Scottdale, Pa.: Mennonite Publishing House, 1992]) contains a wide variety of texts. There are twenty by Watts and twenty-three by Wesley, fifteen by Brian Wren, and eight by Fred Pratt Green. The music is also varied. There are fourteen American folk tunes here and thirteen Afro-American songs, ten tunes by Lowell Mason, and thirteen by Vaughan Williams. Ethnic songs are represented by Swahili, Swedish, Taiwanese, Welsh, South African, Slavic, and Spanish melodies.

In England, the work of the early church music reformers continues in the endeavors of the Jubilate group. Hymns for Today’s Church (Michael Baughen, ed. [London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1982]), Carols for Today, Church Family Worship, and Songs from the Psalms were followed by Psalms for Today (Michael Perry and David Ibiff, eds. [London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1990]), also available in the United States from Hope Publishing Company. Intended for Anglican worship, this volume is certain to be widely used in both England and America. Extensive use has been made of folksong-like tunes, as well as newly composed melodies to supplement those selections which continue the use of familiar traditional music.

The printing of supplemental books continues and is well illustrated by Come Celebrate!: A Hymnal Supplement (Betty Pulkingham, Mimi Farra, and Kevin Hackett, eds. [Pacific, Mo.: Mel Bay Publications, 1990]) with its very singable songs. Written for the Community of Celebration of the Episcopal Diocese of Pittsburgh, a community drawn together for daily worship, this collection, which is a supplement to The Hymnal 1982, is intended to be “a resource for enriching parish family worship with simple songs and hymns, on Sundays, at home, at work, and in the dailiness of life” (Preface). Here one will find unison and part songs (with piano or guitar accompaniment and other instruments, including a bass instrument and percussion) for the Daily Office and for celebrations of the Holy Eucharist and the Church Year.

An additional 1992 book of hymns from the Hope Publishing Company is 100 Hymns of Hope (George H. Shorney, ed. [Carol Stream, Ill.: Hope Publishing Company, 1992]) commemorating the company’s 100-year history. Its contemporary hymn texts and music are by English, American, and Canadian authors such as Michael Baughen, Margaret Clarkson, Peter Cutts, Carl P. Daw, Richard Dirkson, Timothy Dudley-Smith, Fred Pratt Green, Hal Hopson, Alan Luff, Jane Marshall, J. R. Peacey, Michael Perry, Richard Proulx, William Reynolds, Erik Routley, Jeffery Rowthorn, Carl Schalk, John W. Wilson, Brian Wren, and Carlton Young, all members of congregational song’s “Hall of Fame.”

Finally, Word Music has issued a comprehensive collection of Songs for Praise and Worship (Ken Barker, ed. [Waco, Tex.: Word Music, 1992]), an anthology of 253 songs and choruses providing material from a number of praise-and-worship-style music catalogs to serve as either a stand-alone collection or a supplement to any hymnal. The several editions include the pew edition, the singer’s edition, a worship planner’s edition, a keyboard edition, and fifteen instrumental editions. Transparency masters and slides are also available. Its table of contents reveals a growing sensitivity to the need for topical songs and includes sections such as God Our Father, Jesus Our Savior, The Holy Spirit, The Church, The Believer, Opening of Service, and Closing of Service.

Conclusion

Because so many materials are available for congregational singing, and since only a small fraction of the various texts and song forms can be assimilated by any one congregation, worship leaders are constantly required to make difficult choices. Also, because there is such rapid change taking place in American society and within the church itself, worship leaders must be sensitive to the needs and requests of a shifting multigenerational and sometimes multicultural membership.

Lyle E. Schaller says it well in his descriptive work, It’s A Different World!: The increase in the range of available choices has made the task of being a leader in the church more complex and more difficult than it was in the 1950s. Being able to recognize that every choice has a price tag, encouraging people to understand the matter of trade-offs, and being able to identify those trade-offs makes the responsibility of serving as a leader in the church today far more difficult than it ever was in 1955. ([Nashville, Tenn.: Abingdon Press, 1987], 239)

One of the major problems which emerged from the church music renewal movement of the 1960s and 1970s is the division between those churches that chose to continue singing traditional songs and those assemblies which adopted praise-and-worship-style music exclusively. Also, there are those church leaders who opted for both by scheduling two services, one traditional and one contemporary. However, this practice has been just as divisive, though confined to the local church. Congregational song, however, is for all of the people of God in united acts of worship. Thus, the convergence so wonderfully advocated by Robert Webber and Chuck Fromm is the most rational and pragmatic response to the problem. In Signs of Wonder (Nashville: Abbott Martyn, 1992) Webber points out the following:

There is a movement among the people of the world to find out each other’s traditions and to share from each other’s experiences. We the people of the church have even more reason to learn what is happening in other worship cultures and to draw from each other’s spiritual insights and experiences. After all, there is only one church, and although there are a variety of traditions and experiences within this church, each tradition is indeed part of the whole. The movement toward the convergence of worship traditions and the spiritual stimulation which comes from borrowing from various worship communities are the results of the worship renewal taking place in our time.

In the final analysis, those responsible for leading congregational singing are required to know the entire repertoire of congregational songs appropriate to the culture in which they live. They need to know the most meaningful and relevant songs from the past, and they must exercise a growing sensitivity to the heartfelt needs of those whom they lead. And they primarily must seek the mind of God—together with pastoral leaders in their churches—in making the crucial decisions of what is to be sung.