How Christians Have Appropriated the Arts

Christians have responded to various art forms in many ways over the centuries. Four typical responses are described in this article. These approaches to art in general necessarily influence how the Christian community approaches the visual arts in worship.

From the very beginning God’s people practiced the arts. Adam composed the first poem in the world, about Eve:

Bone of my bone,
Flesh of my flesh,
She shall be called wo-man,
For she was won-from man.
(Gen. 2:23)

Aaron’s sister Miriam choreographed a dance to celebrate Israel’s deliverance from the pursuing Egyptians (Exod. 15:20). God gave Moses blueprints for the tabernacle’s architecture and the ark with its sculptured angels made of gold and decorated candlesticks (Exod. 25:9–40). The Lord poured out especially the Holy Spirit upon silversmiths Bezalel and Oholiab so they could practice their arts with special skill (Exod. 31:1–11).

David wrote many songs and hymns for use in worship (Psalms). Solomon’s artisans carved, with God’s specific handwritten approval (1 Chron. 28:11–19), bas-reliefs of flower blossoms, palm trees, and angels in the Holy of Holies (1 Kings 6:23–25); and the artists carved hundreds of pomegranates on the free-standing columns arranged like sentinels in front of the temple (1 Kings 7:13–22). Musicians and a Levite band of instruments frequently accompanied worship (2 Chron. 5:11–14 and Psalm 88 subtitle).

The Bible also tells us that from earliest history people who did not fear the true God practiced art as well. Lamech’s son Jubal played the harp and flute (Gen. 4:21), and Lamech’s own oratory was boastful bombast (Gen. 4:23–24). The ziggurat tower at Babel was an architectural monument to human pride (Gen. 11:1–9).

The Bible uses without prejudice all kinds of literary art, from Jotham’s fable (Judges 9:7–20) and Samson’s riddles (Judges 14:8–18) to the majestic poetry of many psalms and passages like Isaiah 40. God has even revealed his will in Scripture through a dramatic chorus of voices like the book of Job and the artful parables of Jesus (e.g., Luke 10:30–37; 16:19–31).

The point is not whether followers of Jesus Christ should be busy in art or not. Since the very creation of the world, the problem has been whether these arts have been fashioned and used by men and women as vehicles of praise to the Lord or whether they have been conceived and executed as expressions of human vanity.

For centuries, Christian craftsmen practiced their art as a service to the church. Nobody thought of art as “fine art,” as if art were something utterly special for and by itself. Guilds of painters, sculptors, and architects were on a par with guilds of weavers, silversmiths, and carpenters. Music and literature were the skills of tradesmen called musicians and minstrels. The medieval church put all such artistry into its service.

Art was conceived by Christians as (1) a liturgical means for worshiping God. Plainsong became Gregorian chant used in the Mass. Rhetoric was converted into pulpit homilies. Sculpture ranged from baldachin to gargoyle; artists in lead, colored glass, and precious stones taught catechism lessons in brilliant, stained glass windows; architects preached Gothic cathedral sermons in stone. Artistry was understood to be a worthy natural means by which talented men could lift their neighbor into a church experience of God’s grace.

As the church lost its monopoly control over cultural life during the Renaissance, and as art came into existence as “fine art,” patronized by rich nobles at their courts even more than by archbishops and popes, a new position firmed up on the relationship of Christians to the arts. Art was given its independence from being an audio-visual aid for ecclesiastical worship, but Christians still wanted art not to contradict biblical truth. Art was to be (2) autonomous but bound to the general norms or beauty, truth, and goodness of humanity and God’s natural world.

The idea that art had its own inviolate realm separate from explicit Christian indoctrination meant art became somewhat secularized. Fifteenth-century frescoes of Bible stories on inner church walls gave way to sixteenth-century portraits of wealthy people for their homes. The change from devotional poetry, which one could use like prayer beads, to medieval romance like Roman de la Rose and Dante’s Divine Comedy, continued. The tale remained devout, like Spenser’s The Faerie Queene, especially in its allegorical dimension, but the story was one of human love and ordinary experience that had no Bible story prototype. Morality plays in the churchyard gradually turned into the enormously rich dramas of Shakespeare in the playhouse. Many Christians felt comfortable with the theater, painting, and poetry as they were developing as long as these arts did not undercut their Christian beliefs.

Another position taken by Christians on the arts is that art is normally (3) a sensuous temptation that is dangerous to faith. This view has inhibited followers of Christ from participation in the arts. If one believes that composing, performing, or viewing art is playing with fire, then one withdraws from that kind of activity. Sometimes only certain arts have been prohibited—like theater, painting, and dance—while others—like song, music, and poetry—are permitted. The first is considered earthbound and physical while the others are more spiritual in nature.

Christian iconoclasts of the eighth-century a.d. destroyed thousands and thousands of sculptures, paintings, frescoes, mosaics, and illustrated manuscripts because the pictured images had occasioned a cult of icon worshipers and misled the populace into trusting such images as if they were akin to miracle-working relics. English Puritans destroyed art in churches during the seventeenth century in the fervor of ecclesiastical politics, but also because they did not believe sensible art could lead one to spiritual realities. Eighteenth-century European pietism tended to be restrictive of artistic expression for similar reasons. Pietistic Christians are hesitant about imagination and are fundamentally distrustful of artistic illusion because it seems to be deceptive rather than straightforwardly true.

One final important way Christians have viewed art in history is the way of accepting it as (4) a God-given mouthpiece for the human witness of the Lord’s great works or for cursing our existence. This position, which the historic Protestant Reformation set in motion, believes that for art to be Christian, art does not need to be narrowly liturgical. Art is also not intrinsically normative nor is it intrinsically more seductive than any other human activity. Art is simply a certain kind of cultural calling that has its own legitimacy as a sensible, crafted, allusively symbolic artifact. Art can be a vehicle of insight thanking God for his mercies in our world or a vehicle of hate and blasphemy, no matter how expertly done, depending upon the spirit it embodies.

John Donne’s amorous sonnets or his poem on “The Will” (1633) treat human passion with large, redemptive horizons. Rembrandt’s Flayed Ox (1655) depicts the stunning glory of ordinary meat hanging in a butcher shop. The Well-tempered Clavier by J. S. Bach (1723) presents keyboard music that resounds with toccata-like joy and intricate contrapuntal rhythms that celebrate a creaturely rich world. Such poetry, painting, and music exemplify the way Christians can witness our redeeming Creator’s handiwork within the artistic idiom, irrespective of the “topic.”

These four basic historical positions on how Christians should best conceive, practice, and relate to the arts represent roughly the major groupings within the worldwide Christian communion today. Each position shows certain strengths and weaknesses. How do Christians most responsibly come to terms with the utter secularization of the arts without trying to set back history? If Christians stay away from the arts (position 3), godless people have undisputed control of the arts media and can expand the influence of their worldview. If Christians adopt the best artistic forms current (position 2) or try to utilize professional, secular artistry without adapting it to the church’s missionary outreach (position 1), Christians’ cultural expression may be coopted. If the Christian community tries to develop its own particular style of art (position 4), it runs the risk of being permanently off, amateurish, and obscurantic.

But the deep secularization of modern art is a fact. Surrealistic painting, by and large, calls into question the sanity of ordinary life and most traditional values. Salvador Dali (1904–1989) posited a Freudian universe and painted everything he treated into an erotic, hallucinatory vortex—even when he took biblical themes. The canvases of Rene Magritte (1898–1967) are fascinating artistic achievements that juxtapose objects in a way as disturbing as the unanswerable koans of Zen Buddhism. Martha Graham’s choreography is also rigorously erotic, reaching for a new dance idiom of mythic power that repudiates the aristocratic niceties and elegant pirouettes of classical ballet. Many great innovators in modern art have been intensely self-conscious of their rejection of a bourgeois, Victorian worldview and their commitment to a non-Christian primitivism.

Much contemporary architecture, painting, and instrumental music rightly give Christians pause today, too, because of their hard-bitten secularity. It became possible around 1900 to use concrete and reinforced cement to construct buildings. Under the influence of the Bauhaus and architect Le Corbusier (1887–1965), large buildings of all sorts became standardized into functional shells with unobstructed interior spaces (e.g., movable partitions for walls); practical metals like aluminum, nickel, and chrome intensified the feel of cold brightness inside such structures already occasioned by the profusion of physical and electric light. In effect, office buildings, classrooms, and homes took on the aspect of being factories, which quite naturally provided little personal and private space. Painters like Malevich (1878–1935), Mondrian in his later works (c. 1917–1944), and Josef Albers (1888–1976) used a very restricted range of forms to construct what looks like geometric blueprints in paint, and they did it with repetitive ingenuity and tenacity. Such rigorous, purist art, however, has a tendency to sterilize life.

An additional complication to the problem of how Christians are to confront both sexually aggressive art and the dehumanizing technocratic style around us is the fact that so much art today is mass-produced and mass-consumed. A futuristic novel like Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.’s Cat’s Cradle (1963) sells hundreds of thousands of copies. A brilliant portrayal of aimless violence as a way of life and death, like Stanley Kubrick’s film A Clockwork Orange (1972), is seen by millions of people. Self-righteous pornography like Oh! Calcutta runs for years on stage in London and New York. Mindless entertainment, pop star culture, and films interrupted by paid advertisements immerse children from infancy to adolescence. Superb means of mass communication rain secular art upon the earth with an almost brain-washing effect.

Christian families are called upon to face the secularized arts today in the strength of the Holy Spirit (John 16:13) and to show themselves approved of God (2 Tim. 2:15–16). But how can we do that with respect to the arts? The answer is that Christians must, first of all, become deeply rooted biblically so that their faith life flowers as a rich plant unafraid in God’s world, rather than as a poor, undernourished stick in the mud. Second, they must study both the nature and the history of art so they will not be fooled into approving or judging the wrong things.

Let me mention a few examples. The subject matter or topic of a novel or film provides little clue as to its worth or insight. Seduction can be graphically portrayed in a text like Proverbs 7:6–23, to our edification, or twisted into a scene that dirties and bores our sensibility, as in Last Tango in Paris. It is also a mistake to demand “beauty” and “harmony” from painting and music as if distortion and dissonance violated artistic norms. Grunewald’s famous Isenheim altarpiece of Christ’s crucifixion (c. 1510–1515) is grotesque and unpleasant, but an impressive presentation of our Lord’s agony. Schoenberg’s atonal Variations for Orchestra (1928) is important music that wakes a listener up musically to the important tensions we really know in our day. “Creativity,” too, is more often a slogan than a sound idea for helping us to judge whether a given painting is truly art or bogus. A “creative” person can be one who uses his gifts to glorify God or one who idolizes frenzied experimentation (witness certain paint-dripping canvases by disciples of abstract expressionism). If one thinks of art as “creative,” and if “creativity” is colored by the romantic adoration of “artistic genius” so that the necessary element of craftsmanship in art is neglected, one goes wrong in approaching art.

The most important thing for Christians to understand is that the arts are skillful and thoughtful manmade objects characterized by allusiveness. All the arts—music and sculpture as well as drama and poetry—present an artist’s religious perspective in ambiguity. Art is not by nature a confusing matter, but art is by nature a fused presentation of knowledge necessarily rich in suggestion. It is both normal and normative for the arts to be oblique and symbolical in the way they bring things to our attention as spectators, readers, or audience.

If poetry tries to be as straightforward as a roadway sign, it will be poor poetry. If poetry or painting is overly complicated, like a crossword puzzle, it will also be defective. But poetic, painterly, and musical knowledge are not at core “verbal” or “propositional.” Poetry, painting, music, and all the arts present knowledge that can certainly be talked about and analyzed, but the final character of artistic knowledge is that it is knowledge full of nuance.

Music in the Worship of the Early Church

Very little can be said with certainty about the music of the first three centuries of the church beyond texts used and liturgical forms followed. Judging from later music in the Eastern churches and in Gregorian chant in the West, the musical settings of these texts probably shared characteristics with much Eastern music, including tunes in various modes. Ecstatic song continued in the practice of the thanksgiving of the “prophets” in some early liturgies.

It is evident that a set pattern of liturgy emerged at a very early date. In a letter to the Corinthian church (a.d. 96), Clement of Rome included a long, noble prayer which is closely related to eucharistic prayers of later centuries; it also refers to the Sanctus (Holy, holy, holy, Lord of hosts … ), which was a common feature of both Jewish and early Christian worship. The Didache (c. a.d. 100) records that the Communion celebration was combined with a common meal (an agape or love feast) and that it was preceded by the confession of sins. It also gives the set prayers that were to be used, along with the encouragement to the “Prophets” to continue in prayer “as much as they desire” (Didache X, 7).

At about the same time, the pagan historian Pliny (Governor of Bithynia, c. 111–113), in a letter to the Roman emperor Trajan, referred to Christians as “meeting on a fixed day before daylight and reciting responsively among themselves a hymn to Christ as a god, and that they bound themselves by an oath not to commit any crime.… When they had performed this it was their custom to depart and to meet together again for a meal, but of a common and harmless kind.” The hymn mentioned may well have been one of the New Testament Christological hymns (such as Col. 3:16), or an extrabiblical hymn of the same type.

The Second Century

The first definitive worship order is contained in Justin Martyr’s First Apology (to the Emperor Antoninus Pius, c. 150) in which he describes a typical Christian worship service “on the day called the Feast of the Sun.”

The Liturgy of the Word

  • Readings from the Prophets, and “memoirs of the Apostles” (Gospels and Epistles)
  • Sermon (instruction and admonishing)
  • Common prayers (the congregation standing, all participating)

The Liturgy of the Eucharist

  • Kiss of peace
  • Offertory (Alms, bread and wine)
  • Prayer of thanksgiving (“at great length” and improvised “according to his ability”) followed by a common “amen”
  • Communion

The Third Century

Beginning with the third century, we have much more information about the practice of worship in the church. Primary sources of this information include the writings of Clement of Alexandria (d. c. 220), Tertullian (d. c. 240), and Cyril of Jerusalem (c. 313–c. 386). One of the most significant records is by Hippolytus of Rome (d. c. 236) in a Greek document known as The Apostolic Tradition.

The significant feature of this compilation is a complete eucharistic prayer which is suggested as a model for Christian worship, though each leader is encouraged to “pray according to his ability.” It is interesting to note that the prayer begins with the Salutation and the Sursum Corda, which were traditional Jewish forms long before they were used by Christians. The Sanctus (Holy, holy, holy) is not indicated, though it was in common use by this time. Music (psalms and hymns) are also not mentioned, but were undoubtedly included.

This then is the outline of worship as recorded by Hippolytus, including the biblical concepts mentioned in the eucharistic prayer (see R. C. D. Jasper and G. J. Cuming, eds., Prayers of the Eucharist: Early and Reformed, 2d ed. [New York: Oxford University Press, 1980], 22-23):

Liturgy of the Word

  • Psalms
  • Lessons
  • Sermon
  • Intercessory Prayers
  • Kiss of Peace

Liturgy of the Table

  • Offertory (the bread and wine are brought to the table)
  • Salutation (responsory, between leader and people)
  • The Lord be with you: And with your spirit.
  • Sursum Corda
  • Lift up your hearts: We lift them up to the Lord.
  • Let us give thanks to the Lord: It is meet and right.
  • Eucharistic prayer (thanksgiving)
  • Salvation history (the Incarnation; Jesus’ life, death, and resurrection)
  • Works of institution (“He took bread, and giving thanks, … ”)
  • Rememberance (Gr. anamnesis) (“Remembering therefore his death and resurrection”)
  • Oblation (“We offer to thee the bread and the cup, … ”)
  • Invocation of the Holy Spirit (Gr.epiklesis) (“We beseech thee that thou shouldst send thy Holy Spirit, … ”)
  • Doxology to the Trinity, with congregational amen
  • The Communion
  • Presbyter’s post-Communion prayer; people’s amen
  • Bishop’s benediction and dismissal

According to the presbyter’s closing prayer, the “Holy Mystery” was received, “not for guilt or condemnation, but for the renewal of soul and body and spirit.”

The Fourth Century

In the early decades after Christ, the Christian religion was practiced in secret, in adherents’ homes, or even in underground catacombs for fear of persecution by Roman authorities. Once the emperor Constantine decreed that Christianity should be tolerated throughout the empire (a.d. 313), the new faith spread like wildfire. It is evident that by this time Christian worship was already developed considerably. The Christian faith was now free to develop its practices openly and to record them in detail for posterity. Larger and larger buildings were erected for the growing congregations, and worship was organized and disciplined to meet the challenge. More and more of the activity (including some of the singing) was given to the clergy, partly to control the occasional outcropping of heresy.

We shall look at one more early worship form, recorded in the Apostolic Constitutions (a.d. c. 380). It is called the Clementine Liturgy, since the anonymous book is written “in the name of” Clement, Bishop of Rome at the end of the first century. From Books II and VIII of the Constitutions, this complete service may be reconstructed (see Ibid., 70–79):

The Liturgy of the Word

  • Scripture Readings (several, from Old and New Testaments, especially the Epistles and Gospels)
  • Psalms, interspersed with the above (some sung by cantors, some with responses by the congregation)
  • Sermons (by several of the presbyters)
  • Dismissal of the catechumens (those under instruction but not yet baptized), the possessed, and the penitents with a Litany and people’s response (“Lord, have mercy”)

The Liturgy of the Eucharist

  • Prayers of the faithful
  • Salutation and response (a Trinitarian benediction, or “The Lord be with you, etc.”)
  • Kiss of peace
  • Offertory
  • Washing of hands of the bishop and presbyters
  • Offering of the bread and wine and of alms
  • “Fencing” of the table (to forbid participation by the unworthy)
  • Robing of the bishop in “a splendid vestment”; he then makes the “sign of the cross” on his forehead.
  • The eucharistic prayer (Anaphora)
  • Sursum Corda (“Up with your mind … ”)
  • Preface: Thanks for all of God’s providence, beginning with creation, the provision of all things for life on earth, and the history of God’s dealings with his people
  • Sanctus (“Holy, holy, holy, Lord God of hosts … ”)
  • Thanksgiving for the incarnation and redemption
  • The words of institution: “For on the night he was betrayed, he took bread in his holy and blameless hands and, looking up to you, his God and Father, he broke it.… Likewise he also mixed the cup of wine and water and sanctified it.… Do this for my remembrance … until I come.”
  • Anamnesis and oblation
  • Epiklesis: “ … send down your Holy Spirit upon this sacrifice, the witness of the sufferings of the Lord Jesus, that he may make this bread body of your Christ, and this cup blood of your Christ; that those who partake may be strengthened to piety, obtain forgiveness of sins, be delivered from the devil and his deceit, be filled with the Holy Spirit, become worthy of your Christ, and obtain eternal life.”
  • Prayer of intercession (ten sections)
  • Doxology and people’s amen
  • The Lord’s Prayer
  • Bidding prayers led by the deacon, and bishop’s prayer
  • The call to Communion: “Holy things to the holy people” with response: “One is holy, one is Lord, Jesus Christ, to the glory of God the Father, blessed to the ages. Amen.”
  • Gloria in excelsis: “Glory to God in the highest, and peace on earth, goodwill among men.”
  • Hosanna and benedictus qui venit (Matt. 21:9): “Hosanna to the Son of David: Blessed is he who comes in the name of the Lord. God is Lord and is manifested to us: Hosanna in the highest.”
  • Communion, with the singing of Psalm 34 (“O taste and see that the Lord is good”)
  • Bishop’s thanksgiving for communion and intercession followed by prayer and blessing
  • Dismissal

It is apparent here that the Liturgy of the Eucharist was a highly significant part of public liturgy, although it may not have taken as long to perform as the Liturgy of the Word (with its multiple Scripture readings, a number of psalms, and several sermons).

A spirit of fear and dread connected with receiving holy Communion unworthily eventually discouraged worshipers from participation in Communion. Over the next few centuries, participation dwindled, and most people took Communion only once a year, as they were obliged to do.

The Church Year

In the most ancient expressions of the church’s worship, God is revealed through Scripture and sermon in the Liturgy of the Word, and in Communion in the Liturgy of the Eucharist. Furthermore, the macrocosm of God’s revelation throughout history is shown in the shape of the liturgical year recorded in the liturgical calendar.

In the West, the church year begins with Advent (starting four Sundays before Christmas), a time of penitence in anticipation of the coming of Christ, a time when believers remember God’s acts in creation, in the history of the Jewish people, and in the prophecies and the events leading up to Christ’s incarnation. Christmas (December 25) and Epiphany (January 6) celebrate God’s self-revealing in Christ; the first of these is undoubtedly related calendrically to the Jewish Feast of Lights (Hanukkah) and the Christian transformation of the pagan celebration of the winter solstice into Christmas. The season of Lent (forty days before Easter) beginning with Ash Wednesday, is a high period of penitence in preparation for Holy Week, recalling Christ’s forty days of temptation, and Israel’s forty years of wandering in the desert. Holy Week (Palm Sunday through Easter) follows the last days of Christ’s earthly ministry, including his triumphal entry, death, and resurrection. Easter is often called the “Christian Passover” (Pascha)because of its similarity to the Jewish holiday, revealing the Christian’s deliverance from the bondage of sin and death. Pentecost (a name taken directly from the Jewish festival of “first fruits”) commemorates the sending of the Holy Spirit and the establishing of the church; this event begins the second half of the church year. In this final season (called variously “The Weeks after Pentecost,” “The Season of the Holy Spirit,” “The Church Season,” “Ordinary Time,” or in England—where the season is reckoned from the Sunday after Pentecost, Trinity Sunday—“Trinity Season”) the emphasis is on God’s purposes for the church in this “age of grace” through the empowering of the Holy Spirit.

In each period and on each particular day of the church year, the Scripture readings (lections), the prayers, and the sermons are different to match the theological emphasis of that season and day.

Witness Music in The Early Christian Era

Post-biblical writings of the early church fathers suggest that Syrian (Antiochian) churches may have been first to develop a corpus of Christian hymnody. In the conflict over the teaching of Arius (c. 250–366), both orthodox and heterodox used popular hymns to support their arguments. In the East in northern Mesopotamia, Ephraem Syrus (born c. 307), so successfully advanced the anti-Arian cause that he was called “the cithern of the Holy Spirit.” In the West, Ambrose of Milan (c. 340–397) countered the Arian hymns with his own doctrinally pure texts. He also developed a simple, rhythmic, and syllabic chant that had strong appeal to the masses of unsophisticated worshipers.

Perhaps the only overt reference to musical evangelism in the early church is a statement about Nicetas of Remesiana (c. 335–c. 414), a missionary to Dacia (now part of Yugoslavia), who is given credit for writing the immortal Latin hymn Te Deum laudamus. Jerome (c. 340–420) says that Nicetas spread the gospel among fourth-century European pagans “chiefly by singing sweet songs of the cross.”