A Post-Reformation Model of Worship: Revival Worship: Charles G. Finney

No orders of service from either of Charles G. Finney’s pastorates are extant. However, orders of service from the First Church in Oberlin, Ohio, are available from the pastorate of Finney’s successor, James Brand, dating from the 1890s—a full twenty-five years after Finney’s retirement. In addition, sermon notes (c.1850) from Finney’s son-in-law, James Monroe, containing order-of-service outlines, are also available. The orders of service described in Monroe’s notes correspond to the orders of service observed at First Church of Oberlin nearly a half-century later. We can, therefore, have a certain amount of confidence that the order of service given below (a hybrid developed from Monroe’s notes and the First Church orders) is similar to the liturgy employed during Finney’s tenure.

Introduction

There is nothing different or new about this order of service; it resembles that of many American churches with nonliturgical, low-church traditions. (Finney’s own religious background was Presbyterian.) The novelty is not so much in the order, but in the way in which the various elements of the service were expressed.

Text:

Prelude

Usually on the organ, although at times a small orchestra was employed. The Prelude was designed to set the mood of the service, to prepare the worshipers for the sermon—to soften their hearts for the touch of the Holy Spirit.

InvocationDoxology
The place of the Doxology in the liturgy seems to have been flexible. Its alternate placement is denoted by an asterisk (*).

Anthem

Here we notice a substantial difference from the traditional model of worship. Revivalism brought the choir to the fore, not only physically (from the balcony to the nave), but liturgically. Whereas earlier the choir had been used to help lead congregational participation through song, the choir now had a specific role in the liturgy, derived from its role in the revival meeting. The anthem was a musical mini-sermon of sorts, a message in song directed at the hearts of the congregation.

Finney reportedly loved music because it touched him personally. Choral music at First Church ranged from arrangements of popular hymns to more traditional pieces such as the “Hallelujah Chorus.” The issue with Finney was not whether a musical piece was or was not traditional, but whether it produced a “heart-felt” response to the gospel.

Scripture Reading
A passage tied to the topic of the sermon.
Prayer

An extended prayer, containing praise and adoration, thanksgiving, and addressing the various needs of the congregation. In the revival services a prayer such as this addressed particular persons by name and prayed for their salvation. A certain amount of these emphases probably remained in Finney’s pastoral services.

(*) Doxology

Hymn

As in the revival meetings, hymns were frequently directed at the needs of the sinner. Through the hymns’ lyrics, the sinner’s attention would be directed to his or her sinfulness, and consequent need of repentance. Although usually associated with later revivalists, Fanny Crosby’s hymns reflect the prevailing sentiment:

Pass me not, O gentle Savior—Hear my humble cry!
While on others Thou art calling, Do not pass me by.

Offering

Sermon

While Finney’s revival sermons lasted up to two hours, Sunday, pastoral sermons probably were shorter. Given, however, their substantial length in manuscript outline, they were substantially longer than modern sermons, and were probably close to one hour. Their topics ranged widely, from exhortations on elements of the Christian life to the amelioration of social ills (most notably the abolition of slavery and advocacy of temperance). Characteristic of Finney’s sermons were his passionate, pleading delivery and his pedagogical approach which rooted all points in the individual Christian’s need for holiness, or full consecration to Christ. The pursuit of such a holy life was squarely on the shoulders of the individual person who must choose, of his or her own volition, to follow Christ.

Altar Call

By no means a regular occurrence on Sundays for Finney, the addition of an altar call demonstrates his new approach to worship. While it shows the change from a Calvinist to an Arminian soteriology (which has become standard in much of modern American Protestantism), the inclusion of an altar call also demonstrates the change in ecclesiology noted above.

Prayer

For Finney, the final prayer was one last opportunity to reinforce the message of the sermon to the individuals in the congregation, often asking God to “drive home” the message, and “melt hard hearts. ”Finney often employed agricultural imagery (“breaking up the fallow ground”) which spoke much more poignantly to his rural parishioners than to the residents of the modern urban age.

Hymn (Usually of slower tempo, providing one last opportunity for the penitent to respond.)
Doxology
Benediction

American Revival Worship in the Post-Reformation Period

A definite pattern of worship developed in the revival movements of the American frontier and in the campaigns of American evangelists. This “revivalistic” approach to worship has continued as the dominant tradition in the “free churches” of America and is found today particularly within the fundamentalist and evangelical communities.

Interest in religion waned in the years immediately following the American Revolution. Westward expansion certainly did not help matters. It dispersed sparse populations across vast expanses of the West, away from formal, organized communities and away from organized parish life. The revivalists of the early nineteenth century initially sought to provide this scattered population with the essentials of religion. The revival camp-meeting developed as a means to provide the most basic rudiment of all: conversion.

Charles G. Finney, the leading revivalist of the early nineteenth century, adapted the format of the backwoods revivals and brought this frontier phenomenon to the cities of the eastern seaboard. When in the mid-1830s Finney decided that, for the sake of his family, he must curtail his travels and settle down to a pastorate, the methods used in his revival campaigns became the basis for a revised approach to liturgy. Finney and his methods (called the “new measures” ) are cited below as archetypes of revivalist influence. Revivalist patterns, though, were as varied as were the numerous American denominations of the period.

Conversion-centered Worship. The rambling frontier lifestyle in the West contrasted sharply with the traditional American liturgical forms as practiced in the more cosmopolitan East. The established denominations in the East largely employed well-educated clergy who directed their attention toward a relatively educated populace (that is, when compared with the population of the West). The set, traditional liturgies, and the often scholarly bent of the homilies did not touch the hearts of the rough and independent settlers in the West and were discarded by the revivalists as “dead orthodoxy.” The revivalists believed that the Spirit brings life, full and vibrant, to touch the soul; they sought, therefore, to reach their listeners on a visceral level. Finney and his revivalist contemporaries aimed at producing “true heart-felt religion,” implying that religion not felt by the heart was not true religion. The emotional emphasis inherent in revivalism, a type of vernacular romanticism, reflects this yearning for a heartfelt faith.

Stemming as well from the romantic ethos of the age was the individualistic emphasis in revivalism—not only dramatic, heartfelt conversions, but dramatic heartfelt individual decisions for Christ. Faith must be chosen; informed mental assent must be given to the truth of Christianity. One could not become a Christian by birth, but only by a new birth, a birth by choice, founded on a decisive, dramatic experience. Finney, a lawyer by training, was known to plead with his audiences, as with a jury, arguing the case for repenting and coming to Christ.

Finney brought with his new measures a new ecclesiology, which, in turn, brought about a new approach to liturgy. Departing from the centuries-old model of the church as a covenant community whose primary responsibility was to worship God and to encourage individual and corporate growth in faith, Finney posited evangelism as the primary focus in church life. This focus on evangelism led to a new liturgical stance for Sunday worship, one following the camp-meeting model. Finney tried to do away with what he saw as “dead orthodoxy”—prepared and lengthy prayers, eruditely written sermons, ominous psalm-singing—in favor of sprightly songs directed to the needs of the sinner, emotionally stirring sermons designed to promote repentant response on the part of the hearers, and fervent, heart-felt praying for the souls of the lost. The focus and content of sermons changed to imitate the revival pattern as well. With conversion rather than corporate worship as the focus, the sermon became the most direct means of persuading the unconverted in the congregation to give their lives to Christ. Altar calls, previously unheard of in a worship service, became frequent elements of the liturgy. The role of the pastor changed from worship leader to preacher.

It would be inaccurate to imply that all of Finney’s pastoral sermons were “salvation” sermons. Indeed, Finney sought to address doctrinal and social topics as well. His passionate preaching, however, coupled with his quasi-Arminian theology which emphasized the role of the individual will in the process of salvation and spiritual growth, demonstrated his belief that constant introspection and repentance are necessary elements of the Christian life. Extant is a letter from one of Finney’s parishioners which notes a sermon delivered in 1845 which, although not on an evangelistic topic, produced such a response in the congregation that a spontaneous, congregationally led altar call followed the sermon.

Revivalism and Church Architecture. A secondary outcome of the revivals was architectural change. Finney’s designs for the two churches he pastored (Broadway Tabernacle in New York City and First Church in Oberlin, Ohio) illustrate these changes. Eighteenth-century family box pews were done away with, and slip (bench) pews took their place. This new arrangement could seat more people in a given area and focused attention on the “stage” area. Finney designed his churches with the emphasis on preaching; pews were set in a semicircular manner in order to bring the parishioners closer to the preacher. The change in seating arrangements reflects the individualistic emphasis of revivalism; whereas the box pews had accommodated family participation, the new pews allowed the attention of each congregant to be centered on the preacher. Choir and organ were moved, in the new designs, from the side of the nave or from the balcony to the stage, an arrangement reflecting their change in function from worship aids to accouterments of evangelistic performance. Rather than a large pulpit at the side of the chancel area, Finney desired a smaller, central pulpit or lectern. The communion table was moved back or to one side, deemphasizing the sacrament as a primary focus of the liturgy.

Certainly not all members of the Protestant community were enamored of the methods of Finney and the other revivalists. While some ministers eagerly employed the “new measures,” others decried them as heretical or improper. Yet, despite the debates over revivalist methods, who could argue with their success, if we measure success in terms of numbers of respondents? Within a generation, religious interest had moved from the fringes of American life to a central position in society.

Puritan Worship in the Post-Reformation Period

A number of Protestant churches trace their descent from the Puritan heritage. In their worship, these groups share a commitment to a common principle: worship must be ordered according to the Word of God alone. Puritan worship is also characterized by covenant theology and an emphasis on prayer.

The American Puritans provide a seemingly inexhaustible mine from which historians continue to quarry their writings. Any attempt, therefore, to provide an overview of Puritan thought and practice in so short a space will be found wanting. Our emphasis, then, will be to highlight a few themes which characterize the Puritan outlook, and which are played out in their corporate worship activities.

The reasons for the establishment of the Church of England under Henry VIII were more political and personal than theological. The Thirty-Nine Articles, which form the stated doctrinal confession of the Church of England, were drawn up by Thomas Cranmer, Archbishop of Canterbury from 1532–1553. Puritans affirmed the Reformed content of the Articles, but they did not tolerate the way in which the English faith was practiced in the churches.

To the Puritans, the English Reformers had not gone far enough. The Puritans sought to reform the Reformation, or, more specifically, to carry the Reformation further, to fully purify the church of what they regarded as the malignant influence of Roman Catholic tradition. The English Puritans were a varied group, rather than a well-defined religious bloc. An entire spectrum of Puritan attitudes has been noted, ranging from those with moderate reforming intentions, who desired to remain within the Church of England, to those of more radical bent who separated themselves from what they perceived to be dead orthodoxy (at best) or, in some cases, apostasy. The label “Puritan” was originally applied derisively, mocking the scrupulous attitude of these reformers. The Puritans, as the epithet implies, sought a pure church, free from either secular or “popish” influence, beholden only to the Scriptures.

Some American Puritans, known to us as the Pilgrims, are of the latter variety—the separatists. Others retained official ties to the English church but were no less zealous in their desire for change. Sincere and pious, the American Puritans came to the colonies to worship God apart from the forced constraints of the established hierarchy. Their hard-line Calvinism would not allow them to accept and work within the more broadly conceived English system. Areas of concern that directly affected liturgical practice include:

Sola Scriptura. Understanding this Reformation tenet in its most literal fashion, the Puritans sought to use the Bible as their only source and guide in both worship and daily life. For them, the thorough study and application of the Scriptures was the cornerstone of life. In Puritan worship we can see this belief exhibited in the extended portions of the Bible read aloud at each service, interspersed with illuminating commentary from a deacon, and in lengthy sermons which were the focus of the Puritan liturgy.

Further, the influence of Scripture on the liturgical practices of the Puritans is evident in their rejection of the “popish” and human traditions remaining in Anglican practice. The drab garb of everyday life befits the minister rather than ornate vestments; metrical psalms sung by the congregation replaced chanting. Puritan worship stressed both head and heart knowledge of the Word: truth imparted in worship was lived out in daily life. Congregants took copious notes on the sermon, and the head of the household frequently quizzed his children and servants to ascertain their attentiveness to the sermon—their spiritual well-being was his responsibility.

Covenant Theology. The doctrine of election, as developed by Calvin, states that God elects persons through no merit, work, or choice on their part, and covenants with them to be their God. While the Thirty-Nine Articles affirmed this understanding the English church of the seventeenth century did not uphold it in practice. Similar to the children of Israel in the Old Testament, with whom many parallels were made, the Puritans viewed themselves as a holy people, set apart by and for God: a people for his name. This covenant is evidenced in two directions: between God and man, both individually and corporately, in God’s redemptive and providential action; and among the individual members of the covenant community, in their mutual commitment to one another.

Ecclesiology. The church is comprised of those persons who have been elected by God to the covenant community. The question then arises: How can one determine who has, and who has not, been elected? First, an individual must have had a definite conversion experience—a work of saving grace—which imparts a confirming knowledge of one’s salvation. Second, the veracity of this new life in an individual is confirmed through the witness of the community through observation of an individual’s life. One cannot be saved by good works or pious acts, but such evidence will surely follow in the life of one who is truly of the elect.

In worship, this aspect of covenant theology became most apparent in the administration of the sacraments, baptism, and the Lord’s Supper. The word “sacrament” itself, although employed by the Puritans, is problematic. No divine grace is mediated in the sacraments, but rather they are “seals” of the Lord’s covenant. They are the marks whereby God identifies his covenant with his people through visible, tangible means.

Baptism. The Puritans practiced infant baptism. Although not believing that any grace was mediated through this activity, they recognized that baptism denotes the parents’ membership in the community and their commitment to nurturing the child in the ways of God. Important as well is the trust that God has also predestined these infants to eternal election. Baptism, then, is both a sign of commitment and a step of faith on the part of the parents regarding the future of the child. In order for the child to become a fully participating member of the community in adulthood, evidence of election would have to be demonstrated as he or she matured.

The Lord’s Supper. Limited only to members of the covenant community, the Lord’s Supper provides the means of continuing identification with that community. Before the Sunday on which the sacrament was observed, members had to examine themselves, make amends for any wrongs, make apologies for offenses, and ask forgiveness for any sins. Both the bread and the cup were given to eligible communicants, served first by the minister to the deacons, then by the deacons to the members.

Prayer. One last aspect of worship which must be noted is that of prayer. Prayers often continued for lengthy periods of time, even hours, with the congregation standing. While spoken by the minister, the prayers should be considered an aspect of worship in which the congregation actively participated. Although we have no record of any audible response given by the congregation to the prayers, their participation came through the substance of the prayers: in them, the needs and burdens of the people were lifted to God. Prior to the service prayer requests were given to the minister who, presumably, elaborated according to his knowledge of the persons or situations involved.

We must not harbor the impression of Puritan worship as a dry, staid affair. Sober attitudes, lengthy, content-oriented sermons, and extended prayers, while incongruous in our fast-paced twentieth-century world, provided a means of touching and reaching the religious needs of the people of the early seventeenth century. Indeed, the Puritan vision did sustain serious blows in the last half of the century; these developments are beyond our discussion here. Yet, for a few brief, shining decades, the Puritans began to realize their dream of establishing a truly Christian community on earth. Their legacy has left an indelible mark on American worship and religious life in the centuries since.